Uri Avnery on Israel’s self-fulfilling prophecy:

The High Priest of the “We Have No Partner” creed is General (res.) Amos Gilad, who at the crucial time was chief of the research section (and as such the No. 2) of the Army Intelligence Department…The army intelligence man reports directly to the Prime Minister and takes part in cabinet meetings. No minister would dare to question his assessments, which are the guiding star of the entire state. The research chief of the intelligence department is supposed to submit a professional summary of the huge amount of data amassed by the intelligence community. Most ministers are forbidden to read the written report, and even the few others are allowed only to glance at it. Therefore, the oral summary presented by the chief of research to the Prime Minister and the cabinet is of paramount importance. Amos Gilad went even further: he appeared almost daily in the media, commenting on almost every political and security event. He was not only the “national assessor”, but also the “national explainer”, as he was commonly called in the media.

…The last two weeks, Israel witnessed a stormy debate that should have shaken the very foundations of the state. The former chief of Army Intelligence, General (res.) Amos Malka, who was the direct superior of Gilad, broke his silence of many years and published a thunderous accusation: that Amos Gilad arrived at his “kontseptsia” without any intelligence basis whatsoever. On the contrary, the huge amount of information collected by the intelligence department indicated the very opposite. That is to say, Gilad freely invented his intelligence reports, based on his political views and/or on the desire to please his political bosses, Barak and Sharon.

This grave accusation raised a storm in professional circles. Intelligence operatives of undoubted integrity emerged from their anonymity in order to support Malka publicly. They were headed by the man who, at the relevant time, was in charge of the Army Intelligence section for Palestinian affairs, Colonel Ephraim Lavie, who was then responsible for the collection of all intelligence material about the Palestinian leadership…This means, in simple words: there was no intelligence material at all backing the assertion that Arafat is working for the destruction of the State of Israel, that Arafat had broken off the peace process in order to start a terror campaign, that Arafat is not ready for a reasonable compromise…When the debate heated up, the Orientalist Matti Steinberg, a former advisor on Palestinian affairs to the chief of the Shabak, joined the fray. Steinberg not only confirmed that Gilad’s “kontseptsia” was completely false and contradicted the intelligence material assembled by his own people, but he also asserted that Gilad’s conception “fulfilled its own prophecy”.

Colbert King on Kerry and McCain:

That, by the way, was the thinking of Maryland lieutenant governor and Democratic gubernatorial candidate Kathleen Kennedy Townsend two years ago when she tapped a former Republican, Adm. Charles Larson, to be her running mate. She, too, thought a prominent ex-military officer and longtime Republican on her ticket would appeal to conservative voters who weren’t likely to look her way. It turned out, however, that Larson, a former Naval Academy classmate of McCain and a supporter of McCain’s GOP presidential bid in 2000, was of little help to Townsend at the polls. Her party’s most loyal constituency, African Americans, hurt by her snub of better Democratic candidates and angered by her taking them for granted, failed to turn out on Election Day as she needed.

A McCain on the Democratic ticket would have put Kerry in a similar strained position with his Democratic base. A Kerry-McCain pairing might have been a dream team for pundits, editorial writers and the political elites. But John McCain would have been as hard a sell in urban America as Charles Larson was in Baltimore and the Washington suburbs. McCain did Kerry a favor by saying no.

One more thing. Despite what Kerry may have been told by his handlers and fundraisers, his candidacy is not a sure thing in communities where concerns for justice, civil rights and economic empowerment are live issues. Townsend found that out for herself. Kerry needs to keep that in mind. His dalliance with McCain didn’t win him any points in precincts that can make or break him in November.

A man today told me “I don’t vote for anyone I don’t trust, and I don’t trust either of them.” I’d say the majority of the candidates I’ve voted for have been ones I didn’t trust. But I don’t think he’s the only one making that calculation.

Andy Stern from the SEIU Convention:

People are gathering here in San Francisco for the SEIU convention, and I’m struck by how different it will be from the stereotype of a union convention. No long parade of political speakers saying nice things but making no commitments. No nice sounding resolutions that there is neither the strength nor the will to carry out. Instead, it’s delegates representing 1.6 million members from every part of the U.S., Canada, and Puerto Rico — meeting to make decisions that matter — to our families, our communities, and all working people.

Deciding to take the next steps to build strong, national unions in hospitals, long-term care, public service, and building service. Deciding to not just talk the talk but to walk the walk when it comes to helping workers in the South and Southwest to join unions and give working people national strength in dealing with corporations and public officials. Deciding to work with other unions to fundamentally change the labor movement’s structure, culture, and priorities to give working people a fighting chance to win again. Deciding to do our part to build a real global labor movement that has common strategies across borders to deal with the same employers and industries. Deciding to build an Internet-based network of people in every community who want to take local action for workers’ rights and to be members of the SEIU family.

And joining with thousands of others all across the country tomorrow to bridge the Golden Gate and dozens of sites across the country for affordable, quality health care for all…

Kofi Annan on exempting Americans for International Crimminal Court prosecution:

…blanket exemption is wrong. It is of dubious judicial value, and I don’t think it should be encouraged by the [Security] Council…For the past two years I have spoken quite strongly against the exemption, and I think it would be unfortunate for one to press for such an exemption, given the prisoner abuse in Iraq. I think in this circumstance it would be unwise to press for an exemption, and it would be even more unwise on the part of the Security Council to grant it.

From the Times:

Saudi officials said Saturday that four men killed in a shootout in downtown Riyadh on Friday were top leaders of the vicious cell of Al Qaeda that beheaded an American hostage hours earlier and that is responsible for most of the often lethal attacks on Westerners in the kingdom. But contrary to earlier accounts, the officials said the body of the hostage, Paul M. Johnson Jr., 49, had not been found, though photographs posted on a Web site left no question that he was dead.

Three Doctors sue Yale – New Haven Hospital, charging they were punished for speaking out about cost-cutting moves which threatened patients’ health:

The radiology department at Yale-New Haven Hospital came under new management nearly a decade ago, at a time when the hospital was struggling to cut costs, streamline its emergency room procedures and serve more patients. Three longtime doctors refused to go along. They claimed that the new procedures were flawed and responsible for patients being wrongly diagnosed, sometimes with disastrous results. The radiologists brought their complaints to administrators at both the hospital and university. But Yale responded, they claim, by cutting their pay, disrupting their sabbaticals and trying to destroy their careers.

Governor Jeb Bush yesterday restored the civil right of voting to only 22,000 previously disenfranchised felons out of 150,000 included in a suit against the state demanding restoration of rights. The ACLU estimates the number of disenfranchised felons in Florida at 600,000. So what happened yesterday was progress, but not nearly enough of it.

Deeply problematic arguments have always been marshaled and sold in defense of disenfranchising felons. The value to which Americans – explicitly or implicitly – appeal in staking out such a position, as the ninth circuit appeals court observed, is often a conception of “the purity of the ballot box” as a state interest worth defending – or otherwise, as Keyssar argues in The Right to Vote, “a general pronouncement that a state has an interest in preventing persons who have been convicted of serious crimes from participation…” Such reasoning describes Judge Friendly’s defense of states’ prerogative “that perpetrators of serious crimes shall not take part in electing the legislators who make the laws…the prosecutors who must try them…or the judges who are to consider their cases.” Friendly’s argument is immediately sympathetic, and seems eminently reasonable. It is, however, profoundly undemocratic.

For democracy to be “the worst system except for the all the other ones” demands a faith – a gamble – that more times than not, the decisions of a large group of human beings will be better for them than the decisions of any select group or individual chosen from among them without their consent. Democracy is, at best, a medium which brings the will of the people (however determined or constructed) into power as the policy which governs the people. If pure is a meaningful term in reference to democracy, it must refer to how representative we judge the process – not how desirable we find the result. Purity, as the 9th court references it, however, is a subversive undercurrent in the debate: the purity of the voters who take part in the process. Pure democracy, in these terms, is a democracy in which the morally pure cast the votes. This is – unless the impure have been expunged from society entirely – not democracy at all.

Friendly appeals to an intuitive sense that the views of criminals don’t belong in formation of policy on the criminal justice system. The assumption, presumably, is that criminals have vested interests in certain policy results. But our voting booths, unlike our juries, demand no assumption of neutrality. Rather, democracy is a struggle between interests. Friendly’s argument implies, clearly, that criminals have self-serving interests that would, if realized, be detrimental to society as a whole. This too, however, is not nor should be a barrier to voting in the American system. Klansmen are as free to vote against reauthorizing the Voting Rights Act as CEOs are to vote against overtime protections. Much as Franklin asked why going from the moment of having a donkey to the moment of not having a donkey should change the worth of someone’s vote, we must ask why going from possessing a burning desire to murder and being unable to follow through to successfully committing the act should have such an effect. Had Friendly argued in his opinion that American policy should be made by those who are pure, it would be much less frequently cited and much more intuitively off-putting. It would rightly raise the specter of campaigns for purity throughout American history, and the tremendous damage they wrought to the welfare of countless people and to the legitimacy of our democracy.

There are severe negative consequences to disenfranchising felons – removing those most affected by criminal justice policy from the political discourse denies them the primary avenue available to reform it. This creates a vicious cycle in which bad policy can systematically disenfranchise communities while denying them the vote and the voice with which to reverse it. Considering which Americans are in fact losing the franchise for felonies, for felony convictions, or for false records – as Greg Palast documents in the case of Florida – of felonies, suggests that this is more than an idle prospect. Overwhelmingly, such policy is denying the vote not to the theoretical cold-blooded murderer of the hypothetical, but to legions of working-class people of color, most for drug-possession, reinforcing the stratification of wealth and power which distinguishes the modern United States.

Registering voters in low-income neighborhoods here in Tampa has provided me a powerful reminder of just how many people are forced out of the process by felonies for which they’ve already served time, and just how how unrepresentative a sample of America these disenfranchised voters are. No one we talk to here is more adamant about the urgency of voting than the ex-felons who can’t, or more critical of those who insist that there’s no point in voting. It’s frustrating to be able to offer little more than a form to apply for executive clemency – a process which, as we saw yesterday, leaves much to be desired – and demanded.

(Cross-posted at Undernews)

The Center for American Progress tracks the White House lies about and in light of the 9/11 Commission’s findings:

Confronted with the 9/11 Commission’s report this week, which stated there was no collaborative relationship between al Qaeda and Saddam, the White House refuses to admit to misleading the public. President Bush said, “This administration never said that the 9/11 attacks were orchestrated between Saddam and al Qaeda. We did say there were numerous contacts between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda.” But he is playing semantic games which distort undisputable facts. Top officials in the Bush administration – including the president and the vice president – have repeatedly cited a collaborative relationship – not just contacts – between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda as a justification for invading Iraq. Now, after months of careful study, the bi-partisan commission investigating 9/11 says there is no credible evidence to support that claim.

More trouble for Governor Rowland:

A lawyer for the state Legislature urged the state Supreme Court on Friday to compel Gov. John G. Rowland to testify before a panel considering his impeachment. At the opening of the two-hour hearing, Rowland’s lawyer renewed his past objections to a subpoena ordering the governor’s testimony, saying the Legislature was intruding on the separation of powers among branches of government. “The subpoena effectively treats the governor as a subservient officer,” Ross Garber said.

But the Legislature’s lawyer, Cynthia Arato, said courts have already ruled that the judicial branch can subpoena a governor, and she argued the Legislature should receive the same treatment.”We’re all co-equal branches. If a court’s compelling of testimony does not violate the separation of powers, the compelling of testimony by the impeachment committee doesn’t,” Arato said.

Matt Yglesias’ rap on Dick Gephardt for a while has been that his politics are too far right on foreign policy and too far left at home. I’d say he’s got the first half right, and he makes that case pretty compellingly here:

When President Bush put forward his demand for a congressional resolution authorizing the use of force in Iraq, several moderate Republican Senators, including Dick Lugar, the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, initially balked. The president, they felt, simply hadn’t laid the groundwork for an effective military campaign. They began working with Senate Democrats on constructing a compromise resolution that would contemplate the use of force while restricting the president’s power to go to war without a U.N. resolution and broad international support. For a brief moment, it looked like a done deal.

Then, seemingly out of nowhere, it was announced that Dick Gephardt, leader of the House Democrats, had cut a deal — a total capitulation to the president’s demands, in fact — with the White House, undermining the negotiating power of Senate Democrats and GOP moderates alike. The result was not only the Iraq War as we know it, but to put many congressional Democrats, John Kerry included, in a rather untenable position. Either vote no and leave yourself open to the charge of thinking that the continued deterioration of the sanctions and inspections in Iraq could simply be ignored, or vote yes and take it as a matter of faith that the president would exercise this broad discretionary power wisely. Thus Kerry and others found themselves voting yes while attaching verbal caveats, rather than voting for a resolution that would have attached actual caveats, and the country’s best hope for a rational Iraq policy was dashed.

Michael Moore on the latest attempt to restrict access to his movie:

On top of all this, the MPAA gave the film an “R” rating. I want all teenagers to see this film. There is nothing in the film in terms of violence that we didn’t see on TV every night at the dinner hour during the Vietnam War. Of course, that’s the point, isn’t it? The media have given the real footage from Iraq a “cleansing” — made it look nice, easy to digest. Mario Cuomo has offered to be our lawyer in appealing this ruling by the MPAA. Frankly, I would like to think the MPAA is saying that the actions by the Bush administration are so abhorrent and revolting, we need to protect our children from seeing what they have done. In that case, the film should be rated NC-17!

However it turns out, I trust all of you teenagers out there will find your way into a theater to see this movie. If the government believes it is OK to send slightly older teenagers to their deaths in Iraq, I think at the very least you should be allowed to see what they are going to draft you for in a couple of years.